What
is ethnoviolence?
Ethnoviolence is an
act or an attempted act which is motivated by group prejudice and
intended to cause physical or psychological injury. These violent acts
include intimidation, harassment, group insults, property defacement or
destruction, and physical attacks. The targets of these acts involve
persons identified because of their race or skin color, gender,
nationality or national origin, religion, or other physical or social
characteristic of groups such as sexual orientation.
How can you
recognize an ethnoviolent act?
Perpetrators usually announce
their motives verbally or by use of socially recognized symbols of group
prejudice. Here is a short list of identifying marks:
(1) the use of
recognized symbols or words of group insult, such as racial
epithets
(2) posting or circulating leaflets, including the
literature of "hate groups," which contain symbols or words of
insult
(3) defacing or destroying property publicly associated with a
group
(4) acts which follow holidays or special events associated
with the target group
(5) acts which fit a pattern of past attacks on
the target group
(6) the general consensus of the community that this
was an act motivated by prejudice.
What is the
difference between "ethnoviolence" and "hate crimes?"
The term
"hate crime" was developed for legislative and political
reasons. It
refers to legislatively defined crimes such as murder, robbery, assault,
burglary, arson, property damage, as well as some forms of intimidation.
This is much more narrow than the acts defined by "ethnoviolence." Also,
it implies that all crimes which are motivated by prejudice involve
"hate." In actual fact, "hate" as a strong, negative emotional response
is not necessarily involved. Many ethnoviolent incidents are committed
impulsively, or as acts of conformity, or as deliberate acts of
intimidation designed to achieve specific ends of the
perpetrator.
The term "bias crime" is an improvement that avoids
making assumptions about the psychological state of the criminal, though
it still implies the commission of a crime. The term "bias incident"
comes close to being synonymous with an ethnoviolent incident, avoiding
both psychological assumptions and the requirement that a "crime" was
committed. The term, however, has developed a limited legal connotation
and has an antiseptic quality that "ethnoviolence" does not.
What is the
extent of ethnoviolence in the United States?
Counting
ethnoviolent acts is quite difficult. Our estimates derive from rigorous
case studies of cities, neighborhoods, campuses, and work organizations.
The preponderance of evidence does indicate a rate of 20 to 25 percent.
This means that one out of every four or five adult Americans is
harassed, intimidated, insulted, or assaulted for reasons of prejudice
during the course of a year. There do appear to be variations by group
(Black, White, Jewish, Gay, etc.) and by the site of an incident
(residence, neighborhood, school, workplace, etc.). For example, the
majority of all ethnoviolent incidents seem to be motivated by racial
prejudice, while the majority of incidents involving violent physical
assaults seem to be motivated by prejudice based on sexual
orientation.
Are there any
trendlines?
There are two trends. First, reports of ethnoviolent
incidents seem to have leveled off at this rate of 20-25%. From the
mid-1980s through the early part of this decade there has been a steady
and rapid increase. For example, as late as 1992, data from 11 municipal
and state agencies with the most developed reporting systems revealed an
18% increase in the number of bias crimes in 1992 as compared to the
previous year. By 1995, the number of incidents appears to have
stabilized.
The second trendline is in keeping with what appears to
be a major social trend, namely, an increase in the level of injurious
physical violence. When official agencies began collecting reports, the
most frequent complaints of ethnoviolence involved crimes against
property. For the past several years, the data of the major agencies
have indicated that ethnoviolent acts directed against people are now
more numerous. Further, the Boston Police Department's Community
Disorder Unit reports that in crimes involving physical assaults, those
motivated by prejudice were typically more violent and resulted in
longer hospitalization than physical assaults not motivated by
prejudice.
Who are the
perpetrators of ethnoviolence?
We know very little about the
perpetrators. At least half of all ethnoviolent incidents are committed
covertly. Even in the limited confines of a workplace, one-third of the
victims of ethnoviolence do not know who their assailants are, while
another ten percent encountered them for the first time only before the
incident. Generalizing about the characteristics of perpetrators who
were observed or apprehended could be misleading. However, as is the
case in most criminal activities, young adult males appear to be the
primary actors. The characteristics of perpetrators do seem to vary by
setting (street incidents, housing incidents, campus, workplace, etc.)
and by target group (Jews, gay men, Blacks, Whites, etc.). For example,
incidents occurring in the workplace typically involved older
perpetrators as contrasted with street incidents which typically
involved juveniles. Further, in most settings, ethnoviolent acts were
committed by two or more persons who targeted a single person.
The
role of the organized, right-wing, White supremacist groups (the Klan,
skinheads, Aryan Nations, and so on) is relatively small. There is no
question that these organizations are disproportionately violent and
have considerable impact on increasing intergroup tensions in this
country. However, most acts of ethnoviolence are committed everyday by
ordinary people acting out their learned prejudices.
How serious
is the problem of ethnoviolence?
The calculus of ethnoviolence
has three dimensions: the individual, the group, and the society.
At
an individual level, research by The Prejudice Institute shows that
people who are physically or psychologically attacked for reasons of
prejudice suffer more than people who are victims of similar attacks not
motivated by prejudice. The trauma experienced by victims of
ethnoviolence is often severe and long-lasting. The trauma takes its
toll on interpersonal relations loss of friends, anger with family
members, and difficulties with significant others. Intrapersonally,
victims report anger, reliving the incident, nervousness, difficulty in
working, withdrawal, a loss of self confidence, as well as problems in
maintaining their usual weight, sleeping patterns, and energy
levels.
At a group level, ethnoviolence appears to increase levels of
tension between groups, heighten stereotyping, and decrease
communication. It increases the likelihood of group conflict.
At the
level of society, ethnoviolence and its concomitants re-establish old
hierarchies, decrease the likelihood of an equalitarian participation in
community decision-making, and reduces the realization of
democracy.
This
Factsheet on Ethnoviolence is Number 1 in a series. Copyright 1997,
2004 by The Prejudice Institute. We encourage quotation and reprinting,
provided that The Prejudice Institute is cited. We request a copy of
such use.
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Other
Factsheets:
Action
Sheet: What Teenagers Can Do About Prejudice
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